Chapter Three:

3.1 Introduction

Other than the environmental benefits identified in the previous section, it was assumed that income would be the other major motivating factor in the success of the composting schemes. This proved to be only partially correct. In this chapter, income generation is considered along with other aspects of community development to determine the relative importance of each. The constraints on income generation and community development, including gender considerations, are also explored. Finally, ways of improving income generation and community development opportunities through composting are explored.

3.2 Amounts and Relative Importance of Income Generated

Table 3.1 compares the seven groups included in the study in terms of membership, the duration of composting activities, and total income generated from composting. A quick examination of the data in the table reveals that there is no apparent relationship between size of membership and the duration of the activity, and the amount of income generated. Rather, in the course of the research, location was found to be the most important determinant of financial success of the composting groups. For Korogocho, Kayaba, Kibera and Dagoretti Corner, the marketing of their compost is difficult because of their location at the interior of informal settlements, accessible only by unsurfaced, narrow roads. On the other hand, the most financially successful of the composting groups, the City Park Hawkers Market, cannot keep up with the demand for its compost. This success is due to the location of the composting plot at the point of sale, where the activity is both highly visible and convenient to customers, including high-income customers with large, private gardens.

When the data were collected, the Kinyago group had not yet reported a large volume of sales because they had not started marketing their compost aggressively. However, they remain confident that their sales will be successful because their composting plot is located adjacent to a major paved road (First Avenue Eastleigh - refer to Figure 2.3). The Kinyago group has formulated a marketing strategy which includes the use of signs to advertise the availability of their compost. While confident that their compost will be marketable, the Kinyago and Kibera groups are, at the same time, less concerned about selling the compost since they have their urban agriculture projects to fall back on.

The environmental benefits outlined in chapter two are the primary reason that the various community-based organizations participate in composting, but the activity is also important in improving non-physical environmental aspects of the community. As part of standardized interviewing carried out for this study, participants were asked to rank, in order of importance to them, non-environmental reasons for engaging in composting activities. As presented in Table 3.2, the interviewees were given a choice of five reasons. These reasons were ranked on a scale of one through five, with one being the most important, and five being the least important reason for undertaking composting.

Overall, the rankings reveal that exchanging information and ideas and acceptance and integration are the most important reasons for composting. However, when the groups are examined individually, important differences between groups are revealed. For example, the Korogocho group, one of the lowest income groups, ranked income generation as their primary reason for engaging in composting. This could be attributed to the relative severity of poverty of the Korogocho women.

3.3 Constraints on Income Generation

The biggest constraint faced by most composting groups in generating income is finding a market for the compost. The expense of transportation prevents the groups from bringing the compost to an accessible point of sale. The City Park Hawkers Market would be an ideal location for other composting groups to sell their compost because of the popularity of the market with upper-income Parklands shoppers. Members of the Hawkers Market group are not opposed to marketing the other groupsí compost provided that good quality is maintained and they receive some sort of commission for storing and selling the compost. However, the problem remains as to how to transport the compost to the Hawkers Market.

A further constraint in marketing the compost is that there is some urgency in getting the compost to market: compost created with aerobic methods should be used within one month of production; otherwise the nitrogen value decreases and hence its value as a fertilizer (UNCHS, 1989: 46). Most of the groups have nowhere to store the compost, so it deteriorates rapidly in harsh sunlight.

In transporting their compost to a point of sale, the main problem experienced is in the low value of the compost preventing transportation expenses from being recovered through profits. This is also a major barrier to marketing the compost to rural farmers who could constitute a large market for the compost as composting groups lack a mechanism to link them directly to peasant and commercial farming in their regions.

Community group members also identified the costs associated with composting as being prohibitive. While the inputs required (gloves, gumboots, garden tools, sieves, packaging materials, and storage and shelter) are relatively inexpensive and low-tech, they still represent significant expenditures for low-income women. Added to this is the rent that many groups pay to the local chief for the composting site. In the case of Dagoretti Corner, the group pays Ksh. 1000 per month for their plot. This is more than many community members pay for their rooms or houses each month! If the women had access to credit, these costs could be recouped through the sale of the compost.

Community resistance to composting in terms of both ridicule and unwillingness to cooperate limits the desirability of composting as a method of income generation. Some women are discouraged from participating because composting is equated with scavenging and it therefore downgrades their status in the community. Other community members expect to receive financial incentives in exchange for their organic wastes since they perceive that the composting groups are generating a profit from composting. However, the low resale value of the compost and the limited sales thus far mean that the women are not generating extensive income and cannot afford to pay the community for the separation of its organic wastes.

In the greater Nairobi community, there are problems within the formal waste processing sector which limit the profitability of informal sector waste management activities, including the activities of the composting groups. Many of the composting groups were involved in collecting LDPE plastics for Rupshi Enterprises, but the chronic water shortages prevent them from processing most of the plastics collected. The plastics are often too dirty to be processed. Likewise, even formal sector industries like Rupshi suffer from a lack of available credit and investment which prevents them from expanding to meet the high demand for recycled plastics. Rupshi Enterprises eventually stopped collecting (and paying for) the plastics gathered by the composting groups.

3.4 Gender and Development Issues in Composting

An important advantage accounting for the sustained interest in composting activities is that composting integrates well with womenís triple roles: household and family care, income generation, and community management. The location of the composting sites within market areas (in the cases of Hawkers Market and Korogocho) where the women engage in hawking allows them to monitor their businesses while undertaking composting activities. But in some informal settlements, the location of the composting site actually makes womenís daily responsibilities more difficult. In the case of Kinyago, the composting site is located across a busy road (First Avenue Eastleigh - refer to Figure 5.2 ), making it difficult for the women to monitor their children. It also means that the women have to haul water to the composting site. Thus, it is important that the composting plots be strategically located so as to ease the burden on women. This is easier said than done, however, when their is a shortage of available and appropriate land in informal settlements.

In terms of womenís roles as community managers, the NGOs, in initiating the composting projects, targeted pre-existing womenís groups concerned with community health care and/or income generation. Composting proved complementary to these activities by providing a healthier living environment and in diversifying their sources of income. Like other womenís group activities, composting also provides a forum for women to exchange information and ideas which, in the case of the majority of the Nairobi composting groups, exceeds the importance of generating income through the project.

Some groups also use the profits gained through composting to improve much-needed community facilities. The Kuku Women in Dandora invested some of their composting profits in a nursery school for their children. This eases their child care responsibilities, enabling them to engage in other important activities. The Kuku Women have also used the money to purchase utensils and dishes for entertaining guests. They enjoy the prestige and publicity that their composting efforts bring them. This also reinforces a sense of pride in their community which they enjoy sharing with visitors. Many of these visitors are brought to the Kuku Women by the NGOs in order that they too become enthusiastic about starting a composting project in their own community.

Unfortunately, composting activities are not entirely free from gender-related constraints. All of the groups lack significant support from men in the community. The composting activities are almost entirely carried out by women, though some women do receive occasional help from husbands or sons. At the same time, the women's groups depend on a male chairman to represent their interests to the rest of the community. This may not be the best possible arrangement for addressing women's strategic needs, including political empowerment and the recognition of the importance of their work. The NGOs might help to improve this situation by promoting more democratic decision-making structures in the communities. The Undugu Society is well positioned to do this.

While women are willing to engage in composting because it corresponds with their triple roles, many complain of the hard physical labour that composting entails. Some were not pleased that the composting project added even more work to their already gruelling daily routines.

3.5 Improving the Sustainability of Composting Projects

The constraints faced by the composting groups suggest that future efforts in improving the viability of the composting projects must include building strong community support and involvement, and developing the groups' business and marketing skills.

There is a need in Nairobi to increase public awareness and mobilize community support for waste reduction and recycling. As developing countries like Kenya are influenced by processes of globalization, consumption (and waste production) patterns are becoming more like those in the West, and public awareness campaigns must be directed towards curbing the problems that will arise from these changing lifestyle patterns. These efforts are best directed to young people through mass media and through the organization of workshops and meetings at the neighbourhood level (UNCHS, 1993: III.2.19). In Nairobi, MYSA's effort to link sports with community service and environmental responsibility is an enlightened example of how even the poorest children can be included in such initiatives.

Awareness campaigns and education programs must explain the benefits of composting and recycling and inform people of how they can participate. This awareness building must not only be included at the outset of a project, but should be carried on throughout (Ibid.). In this regard there is a need for strong leadership, as the problems experienced by the Clean Up Nairobi campaign have indicated.

The composting groups are also in need of business training and improved access to credit. With regard to training, the groups need to develop marketing and financial management skills so that they are able to be more self-sufficient in identifying markets and planning business strategies. They currently rely on the NGOs for these skill. This is not sustainable over the long term. Likewise, if it is to be a truly community-based project, decisions must be made democratically by group members with the NGOs serving only as technical advisors. Responsibility for managing the project must be gradually transferred to the community. Outside technical assistance must always be available to the composting groups, but unless the groups have both financial and decision-making autonomy, they will never have the confidence nor the sense of ownership needed to make the project sustainable.

As the composting evolves into a more profitable endeavour, the groups must develop and implement a consistent means of dividing profits among members. In the case of a Mexican composting project, the production of compost eventually stopped because irresolvable disputes developed over whether income should be divided equally among members or according to the amount of labour contributed (Schmink, 1989: 159).

The availability of credit and fiscal incentives are also critical issues affecting the viability of composting as an income generating activity. The groups need to be provided with starters or guarantees in order to increase their access to credit facilities. This is also required for many formal sector waste-related industries like Rupshi Enterprises. If Rupshi were able to expand its waste plastics processing capacity, it would also benefit the informal sector waste collectors and middlemen with whom Rupshi deals.

Other aspects of community development may be equally or even more important than income generation. However, the greatest advantage presented by composting is its potential to fulfil women's roles as community managers and income earners through one activity. The time and labour saving potential of composting, though not presently developed, combined with the opportunity it presents for women to share ideas and develop a sense of community belonging, make it a viable development alternative for Nairobi. However, improvements need to be made in training and in providing credit to the groups, and waste management carried out by CBOs must be supported by a community mobilized to support and participate in waste minimization and recycling.

Chapter Four:

Conclusions

4.1 Introduction

Given the environmental and financial opportunities and constraints identified through this study, what final assessment can be made of Nairobi's efforts in community-based waste management? What are the most appropriate roles for actors in Nairobi's waste management sector? What insights are provided by this research in terms of the relationship of gender to waste management, the need to promote urban agriculture and create demand for organic waste, and the environmental and health significance of solid waste management?

4.2 Summary of the Environmental, Income and Community Development Impacts of the Composting Projects

The composting groups have been highly successful in meeting the environmental objectives of their composting projects. While recognizing this success, the limitations of composting in terms of environmental management must be acknowledged. Composting does not have a direct impact on two of the most serious environmental problems of informal settlements: human waste disposal and poor housing. If composting eventually develops into a successful income generating project, households and communities will be financially empowered to make improvements in these areas.

The composting groups have not yet managed to generate substantial profits because of marketing and transportation constraints. When other community development-related advantages of composting are taken into account, it is evident that income generation is only one of many opportunities which motivate the women to participate. Equally important is the opportunity to exchange ideas and information with other members of the community. It is doubtful that composting will be sustainable unless it is able to meet more than just the environmental needs of the women and their communities. Those groups experiencing the most success and the most satisfaction with composting are those for whom composting has provided significant income, and those engaged in urban agriculture.

4.3 Appropriate Roles for Actors in the Waste Management Sector

From this study, several conclusions about the most appropriate roles for the various actors in Nairobi's waste management sector can be drawn:

Local Authorities:

The primary role of the NCC should be that of advisor to the other actors in waste management. This would entail reducing the NCC's role as a service provider to a minimum. The NCC should only be involved in the provision of services when it is not possible for the private or community sector to do so. The NCC Cleansing Section recognizes that this should be its role, but faces substantial barriers in its lack of administrative capacity and the lack of political will on the part of city councillors.

The Informal Sector:

There is a need to improve employment conditions as well as access to support services and markets of recycling industries for those who deal in waste picking. In doing so, however, there is a risk of formalizing the sector. This would have the effect of alienating the very people who rely on the sector for their livelihoods.

As noted by Odegi-Awuondo (1994), waste picking is already a highly organized activity consisting of networks of waste pickers and middlemen. Thus, a plausible option for improving the conditions in the informal waste economy could be cooperatives. This has worked in a number of Asian countries (UNCHS, 1993).

Community-Based Organizations:

Excellent opportunities exist for CBOs to provide a wide range of urban services, including waste management, in informal settlements. Because of its impact on community health, waste management fits well with the concerns of those groups dealing with issues of community concern. As for community members not directly active in the CBO, they need to participate in waste management by separating their wastes at source so that contamination is prevented and the work of CBOs and informal sector waste pickers is facilitated.

Non-Governmental Organizations:

NGOs are important links between local authorities and CBOs. They have a role to

play in providing technical advice and training to CBOs. They also have a city-wide role in educating and mobilizing broad-based support for community-based waste management. If such support is created, it should be instrumental in generating the political will needed to make the necessary changes.

In Nairobi, the NGOs have successfully educated and motivated the CBOs on the benefits and opportunities of composting. They are also attempting to build broad-based support for composting and recycling through the "Garbage is Money" poster campaign, along with continual participation in environmental and community events throughout the city. The NGOs could mobilize wider support, but they lack the financial and human resources to do so.

The NGOs have not been effective in providing the groups with the business and marketing skills they need to generate a profit through composting. The NGOs themselves need to develop these skills, or seek out other NGOs to provide this training on their behalf.

The Formal Private Sector:

The private sector does have an important, although limited role, to play in waste management in developing countries. In Nairobi, the private sector is an effective provider of waste management services to upper income businesses and residential areas. However, there is no bylaw enforcing those who can afford it to make use of these services. The NCC might consider implementing such a bylaw. Again, NGOs should initiate mass media and other types of educational campaigns to increase awareness about the hazards of unmanaged wastes, even in upper income areas.

Within informal settlements, the private sector cannot provide waste management services because of the inability of residents to pay for these services and the poor accessibility to these areas. Therefore, there is still a need for local authorities to work with CBOs in providing services to these areas.

The International Donor Community:

Many donor agencies already have extensive funding programs for NGOs in developing countries. The NGOs examined in this case study have received funding from the United Nations Environment Programme, several Scandinavian countries, and the Dutch government. This is an effective method of funding local environmental initiatives since the NGOs and CBOs are often closer to the people than governments, including local authorities.

At the same time, the international community must provide assistance to local authorities to improve their human resources and administrative and financial capacity. Investments in infrastructure and equipment will not be sustainable in the long term because local authorities lack maintenance capacity.

Finally, international organizations, with the full participation of NGOs and local authorities, should support the creation of a regional network which promotes waste recycling and reuse. Relationships between city planners, the private sector, NGOs, CBOs and recycling industries would be useful in sharing innovations and best practices in waste management. Such a network could also result in a powerful lobby.

4.4 The Research Agenda on Waste Management in East Africa

This study has contributed to an understanding of three aspects of solid waste management in sub-Saharan Africa: the relationship of gender to waste management, the need to promote urban agriculture and create demand for organic waste, and the environmental and health significance of solid waste management.

Waste management activities fit within the gender-assigned roles and responsibilities of women, including household maintenance, income generation and community management. When properly organized, composting provides women with the opportunity to stay close to their home or place of business so that they can engage in other activities related to their triple roles. However, many of the women who participated in this study complain that composting adds to their workload, or that other ventures suffered because of their work on the composting projects. Therefore, for many of the women, composting is not meeting their needs and is actually adding to their daily burden. For those groups generating high profits from composting, or those groups also engaging in urban agriculture, composting has improved their circumstances and opportunities.

The opportunity to engage in urban agriculture is therefore a very important determinant of the success of composting, Limited access to land, especially in informal settlements, makes urban agriculture a difficult strategy to promote for many of these women. There is a clear need for local authorities and NGOs to cooperate in providing access to land for these purposes. This has already worked for the Undugu Society in gaining plots for urban agriculture in Kibera and Kinyago. The other NGOs, FSDA and Uvumbuzi, should consider working with the NCC and the Undugu Society to provide this opportunity to other composting groups.

Even so, the application of compost in urban areas provides only a limited market for the compost, especially considering the amount of organic waste generated. Ideally, the composting groups could be doing very well if they had access to rural markets. The application of urban compost in rural areas could be a significant step in reducing the spread of Nairobi's ecological footprint. These strategies rely not only on the support of rural farmers, but also on finding affordable means of transporting the waste and in creating the political will to support these initiatives.

The environmental importance of waste management has not been quantified in this study, but the anecdotal evidence reported by the women is sufficient to suggest that composting can have a significant impact in improving community health. In fact, many women continue to compost despite the limited financial opportunities it currently presents, suggesting that they are aware of and value the environmental improvements achieved through composting.

In conclusion, this study has demonstrated the important links that can be made between environmental management, income generation and community development. It has also identified waste management at the household and community level as a gendered activity. The success in composting in Nairobi has been achieved partially through the recognition of these roles and the targeting of appropriate community-based organizations. Ultimately, this study has shown that in order for community-based waste management to be a success, it must address more than the need for improved environmental management; it also must provide opportunities for income generation and the development of strong community bonds. Together with the support provided by NGOS, community-based waste management promotes internal solidarity around shared concerns, which in turn creates a momentum for demanding greater accountability of government and increased room for participatory decision-making. In Nairobi, we are witnessing the beginning of such a process as CBOs and NGOs unite to deal with urban environmental problems and poverty, and the NCC recognizes that it must radically transform its approach to urban service provision.

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